Redistricting Lawsuit Dismissed, and Next Steps

Late yesterday, U.S. District Judge Lee Rudofsky said he will dismiss our lawsuit challenging new Arkansas House maps unless the Department of Justice joins the case as plaintiffs by Tuesday, when the candidate filing period for Arkansas's upcoming Preferential Primary begins.

Read all about his ruling in this story by The Hill and in this story by our friends at the Arkansas Times.

We're frustrated and disappointed by this outcome, but wanted to write you to say that we remain committed to protecting the voting rights of all Arkansans and will exhaust every legal avenue in challenging the state’s racially discriminatory maps. 

We're exploring our options now, and will have more to update early next week. We promise to keep you in the loop here and on our Facebook and Twitter pages. Stay tuned!

 

ICYMI: We're fighting racial gerrymandering

Our trial against racial gerrymandering is set to begin today in Arkansas federal court. 

In December, we joined the Arkansas State Conference NAACP and American Civil Liberties Union, ACLU of Arkansas in a lawsuit challenging a new redistricting plan for the Arkansas House of Representatives that would undermine the voting strength of Black Arkansans in districts across Central Arkansas, the Upper Delta, the Lower Delta, and Southwest Arkansas.

Because of the 2020 Census, we know that the Black population in Arkansas has grown over the last decade, but the Board of Apportionment failed to craft district lines that reflect this growth. The Board of Apportionment should have drawn at least four additional Black-majority districts.

The House map substantially underrepresents Black Arkansans, and unnecessarily divides communities of interest. This denies Black voters the equal opportunity to elect candidates of their choice — violating Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act of 1965, which bans the drawing of legislative district lines that water down the voting strength of communities of color. 

If newly drawn maps aren’t updated to fairly represent all Arkansans, these communities will continue to face obstacles to meaningful participation in the political process.

The case, Arkansas State Conference NAACP v. Arkansas Board of Apportionment, will be heard by Judge Lee Rudofsky in the U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of Arkansas.

Today’s hearing begins at 1 p.m. in Courtroom 1D on the first floor of the Federal Courthouse, 500 W. Capitol Ave., Little Rock.

Judge Rudofsky denied a request that the hearing be live-streamed, so we’ll keep you updated on new developments here and on our Facebook and Twitter pages. Stay tuned!

The Origins of CRT: A Summary From the Fair Fight Initiative

By: Alyce Love

Though Critical Race Theory (CRT) has become part of our national dialogue, much of the discussion focuses on facets that are simply non-existent. No evidence exists that CRT is taught in any of our K-12 schools, yet some politicians and some news organizations have fueled controversy around it and used it as a wedge to continue to divide us.

CRT first emerged in the 1970s and 1980s, when law school professors wanted to know how race and racism have shaped American law and society. The catalyzing factor behind this research was the mixed results of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, which was designed to remedy historical racial inequities by ending Jim Crow, desegregating schools, and ensuring voting rights for Black people. When these goals remained unfulfilled decades later, it was clear some questions needed answers.

At its base, CRT is a legal theory, one that views race as a social construct and explores the relationship between racial inequality and the law. The core idea is that racism is not merely the product of individual bias or prejudice, but something institutionalized within the structures and policies of our legal system.

There were several law professors who collaborated on CRT, including Derrick Bell, Kimberlé Crenshaw, Cheryl Harris, Richard Delgado, Patricia Williams, Gloria Ladson-Billings, Tara Yosso, and others. 

CRT began in the legal academy in the 1970s and grew in the 1980s and 1990s and continues as a field of inquiry in the legal field and now it is discussed in other areas of scholarship.  

Perhaps it is true that CRT is the work of progressive legal scholars who are seeking to address the role of racism in the law and the work done to eliminate racism and other configurations of subordination .

CRT transcends the Black/white racial thinking and recognizes that racism has impacted the experiences of various people of color, including Latinx, Native Americans, and Asian Americans. 

All of these different groups are now seeking to examine their specific experiences of oppression. CRT does challenge white privilege and exposes deficit-informed research that ignores, and often omits, the scholarship of people of color. 

CRT is a theoretical framework, an approach to learning that helps us understand how racial and structural disparities endure despite laws designed to discourage them. Its teaching so far is only in law schools and some universities, and it is not taught in any K-12 school. 

The aim is to help all people learn from the mistakes of our past as it demonstrates how racism and prejudice informed the creation of U.S. laws. The idea is to get people to think systemically. As opposed to viewing racism as simply a conflict between individuals based on race, CRT makes the case that racial bias is perpetuated and inflamed by the very structure of our society.

As a legal theory, CRT explores and illustrates how the law can make it more evident and give support to racial disparities. As a social theory, CRT recognizes that racism is a social problem. With its dual focus, CRT has a focus on institutions, structures, systems, processes, assumptions, discourses, narratives, and large macro processes that to date fosters racial inequality.

So CRT is a framework developed to help us understand how it is that structural and racial disparities endure in our society and how this racism is engendered in some of our laws and policies. The theory rests on the premise that racial bias – intentional or not – is baked into U.S. laws and institutions. Black Americans, for example, are incarcerated at much higher rates than any other racial group. How else can this be explained when scrutinized? 

CRT looks at the criminal legal system’s role in creating and fostering the disparity. CRT invites this scrutiny of the criminal legal system’s role in that disparity and points to the fact that U.S. laws fall far short of the ideals under which they were created to represent. 

Although CRT began as a movement in the law, it has rapidly spread beyond that discipline. Today, many in the field of education consider themselves critical race theorists who use CRT’s ideas to understand issues of school discipline and hierarchy, tracking, affirmative action, high-stakes testing, controversies over curriculum and history, and alternative and charter schools.”

Fundamentally, CRT is an approach to holistically studying U.S. policies and institutions, with a wide focus encompassing such subjects as criminal legal, employment, housing, health care, and education, and many others. 

In plain terms, CRT suggests that racism is part of a broader pattern in America. At the highest level, CRT makes the case that racism is implicitly woven into our laws, including the nature of policing and law enforcement in our communities. Drilling down to everyday life, this systemic racism impacts everything from hiring practices to home loans.


Teaching CRT: The Popular Misconceptions

It may also be helpful to explain what CRT is not. First, CRT does not vilify white people and does not cast the non-white population as perpetual victims. CRT is not a study in placing blame. It neither vilifies nor victimizes any group, Black or white. CRT instead, focuses on the larger forces at play in our society, forces that maintain a strict stratification between the races.

Another misconception is that CRT is, in and of itself, inherently racist. Critics of CRT claim it presents a strictly negative picture of the United States, one designed to make young people feel ashamed of their country and of themselves. This is a dangerous oversimplification. CRT merely encourages a clear-eyed view of this country’s history and the racial prejudice that has informed our legal structures. This clear-eyed view is essential to helping America to live up to its ideals of equal justice under the law.

Some politicians and news pundits claim that CRT furthers racial division, but the reality is that CRT does just the opposite. It’s an unfortunate side effect of our society’s growth that we have already separated ourselves along racial lines. CRT's ultimate aim is to fix that divide. The goal is to heal those divisions and make this country live up to the lofty promises of freedom and equality enshrined in the U.S. Constitution and all of our post-Civil War amendments and laws intended to bring about equality.

What Gov. Hutchinson And Other Leaders CAN DO to protect our kids and communities

By: Bill Kopsky, Executive Director

Governor Hutchinson has claimed throughout this pandemic that he is doing the absolute most to protect Arkansas from COVID, and that there is nothing more that can be done. This is patently not true; I have a list of actions he should take, and I’m sure others have more to add, too.

While Arkansas ranks near last in per capita COVID mortality, the Governor regularly goes on the offensive to criticize President Biden’s response as “too aggressive.” To cover his backside, he’s set up strawman arguments on why he can’t do more. He said lockdowns, mask or vaccine mandates, and statewide school closures are unworkable and don’t have political support. 

I agree with him, but that does not mean that there’s not much more he CAN do to help protect our kids and communities. Community spread is nearing 50 percent, and hospitalizations, deaths, and juvenile hospitalizations are all rising dramatically. And the state is sitting on another large surplus. There is plenty the Governor and other authorities can and should do now.

The Governor should do much more to promote vaccines by: 

  • Having more public events across the state where he is personally promoting vaccines and boosters.

  • Investing much more in engaging faith and community leaders to help with vaccine outreach and distribution.

  • Proposing a significant tax credit for people who get the vaccine and booster, and a significant child tax credit for families who vaccinate their children.  

  • Requiring unvaccinated state employees to work remotely.

The Governor should publicly and forcefully confront misinformation on vaccines, masks, and COVID by: 

  • Calling out elected officials who spread false information, including state lawmakers making misleading statements in legislative meetings.

  • Directing state agency leaders to call out and correct misinformation they hear spread by elected officials.

  • Proposing new legislation that makes it illegal to knowingly spread misinformation about the pandemic. This could be done in a way to protect the First Amendment rights of people’s beliefs, but target political tricksters and fraudsters who know the information they are spreading is false.

The Governor should do much more to promote masking and testing by: 

  • Stating to the public and media that mask mandates should be in place when community spread is sky-high, even if the legislature won’t allow him to mandate that. This would provide cover to school districts and local officials to take that step on their own by making it clear that he believes it is necessary.

  • Surging the availability of free rapid COVID testing. Making some home tests available is a good step, but he should go much further. Many pharmacies are offering rapid testing for around $70-$100 —- beyond the means of many families of four. The Governor should commit to reimbursing any entity capable of administering a COVID test for the costs, and ban them from charging consumers during the crisis.

  • Providing grants to businesses who need support to implement mask mandates, virtual work settings, and more that protects employees and the public.

  • Requiring all state employees to wear masks. While community spread is above 10 percent, he should require non-essential state government employees to work virtually unless they test negative daily. 


The Governor should do much more to protect and support students and educators during the crisis by:

  • Establishing clear, scientifically backed criteria for when schools should go to virtual learning. This should include factors like when:

    • Community spread is above 10 percent.

    • When schools do not have the capacity to test each student and staff member at least weekly.

    • When schools do not have adequate mask requirements in place.

    • When schools do not have adequate air filtration and other safety protocols in place.

  • Implementing a strict student-to-teacher ratio so a school that cannot maintain a reasonable ratio in a safe setting is required to suspend in-person learning. 

  • Dramatically expanding the number of school vaccine and booster clinics.

  • Providing clear permission for schools to use their judgement on other safety measures.

  • Investing in strategies to keep kids safe and nurtured when they do not have the ability to remain home when districts switch to virtual. This could include investing in community spaces where students can remain socially distanced and masked but still receive the support and supervision they need.

  • Dramatically expanding the testing capacity of schools. This would require a much greater quantity of rapid tests, and the additional staffing capacity to test each student and staff member at least weekly.

  • Providing much greater support to teachers who are burning out or leaving the field because they are frightened for their safety. He should:

    • Provide hazard pay increases to teachers and school staff and offer retention incentives.

    • Recruit former teachers who’ve left the field to come back with incentives like tax credits and loan forgiveness programs.

It’s time for the Governor to show more leadership by:

  • Declaring a state of emergency — even if the legislature limited what power he has in an emergency. The public needs to understand that we are in crisis, and the Governor could provide political cover to local authorities by taking some of the heat for declaring an emergency.

  • Publicly stating that group settings of unmasked people, like restaurants and athletic events, should be closed until community spread drops below his previous 10 percent threshold, or the CDC’s recommended 5 percent threshold. Even if the Legislature won’t allow him to ban unsafe congregant settings, he can say they should be closed to send the public a clear message. 

    • He should provide financial support for businesses that choose to close while community spread is at unacceptable levels.


Omicron’s surge will hopefully pass soon, but we cannot ignore that future waves are likely. Living with the virus means that we must learn and adapt, and our leaders should set an example. Governor Hutchinson must do more to lead Arkansas and encourage mayors, school officials, and the public to join him in protecting our children and communities. 

A dangerous sentiment

By: Bill Kopsky, Executive Director

I’ve heard a dangerous sentiment from several people lately: that we should just embrace getting Omicron because we are all going to get COVID eventually. The thinking is that at least Omicron is less severe and that catching it will protect them from future COVID infections. While I understand the exhaustion and fatalism in this thought, it is false on a number of fronts. 

Omicron is still very dangerous. New variants down the road are likely to be even less severe while our medical treatments will improve. Catching COVID once does not give you any guarantees you won’t catch it again. You are a hazard to all around you when you catch COVID. And as exhausted as we all are, this Omicron crisis is likely to pass quickly if we take protective measures now. Here is that in more detail:

First, while it appears that Omicron is less severe, it still sucks. Many vaccinated and boosted people are still getting quite sick with a high fever for days. Unvaccinated people are getting extremely sick. The risk of long COVID, which has long term health implications, is still unknown from Omicron. And with the massive number of infections now occurring, hospitals are getting overwhelmed. Even if the percentage of people needing hospitalization is lower with Omicron, a small percentage of a very large number is still a big enough number to overwhelm our medical system. 

Second, the longer you hold off catching COVID, the safer you will be. This is for two key reasons. While Omicron does appear to be less severe, this is the way new endemic viruses evolve and future variants are likely to be increasingly less lethal. Second, our medical treatments for infections are improving rapidly. This disease is so new, we are just coming online with effective medications to treat it, and those medications are in such short supply right now that you are unlikely to get them. In the future we will have time to build up supplies of those treatments, and develop even more effective ones. And vaccines are continuing to improve as well — Pfizer claims to have a booster specific to Omicron in the pipeline already with an expected release this Spring.

Third, catching COVID does not appear to give you substantial natural immunity from catching it again. This is not a one-and-done disease like Chicken Pox. In fact, that natural immunity from catching COVID appears to wane rapidly, within months. The immunity from vaccines appears to last longer. So do not think, if I catch Omicron I may be more protected from a future strain. In fact you may be setting yourself for having COVID now, AND having it again later.

Fourth, you become a health hazard to others when you catch COVID. You will likely be contagious to others for 1-2 days before you show any symptoms. You will likely come into contact with unvaccinated people (remember anyone under 5 is unvaccinated still) and immune compromised people in that time unless you are already socially isolating yourself. And it’s worth repeating that our hospitals are overwhelmed already - people are dying from other diseases because the hospitals are so full of COVID patients there’s no room for people with other life-threatening conditions.

Finally, this Omicron wave is likely to pass quickly if we take precautionary measures now. I know we’re all exhausted. I’m exhausted. But this is not likely to be a surge of infections that lasts months. Data from other countries indicates the Omicron wave will die down within weeks. We need to be extra cautious for a few weeks so we can get past the peak surge and then get back to more normal activities sooner.

Remember: your best protections are to practice social distancing and avoid crowded places, wear a quality mask, get vaccinated and get boosted. Please protect yourselves and your community.

Bill Kopsky is the executive director of the Arkansas Public Policy Panel and can be reached by email at bill@arpanel.org